Mahatma Gandhi and Swami Shraddhanand
M. K. Gandhi's Speeches and Writings on Swami Shraddhanand’s’ Murder
Speech at A.I.C.C. Meeting, Gauhati
[December 24, 1926]
A
press reporter had come to me and asked me to say something. I told him I could
not. I felt too overwhelmed to be able to say anything. Mrs. Naidu also pleaded
with me for a message. I again refused. Since I have been, this time, ordered
to speak, I shall try to express what I feel. But I am in no condition really
to say anything. I can, however, tell you how the news affected me. As soon as
I received Lalaji’s wire I conveyed the news to Malaviyaji and others and sent
telegrams to Lalaji and Swamiji’s son Indra. In that telegram, rather than
express sorrow or grief, I said that this was no ordinary death, that I should
not weep over it. Unbearable as it is, my heart refuses to grieve; it rather
prays that all of us may be granted such a death.
From
Swami Shraddhanand’s point of view what has happened may be called a blessed
event. He had been ill. I had not been aware of it but a friend told me that it
would be a miracle if Swamiji survived. Later, in reply to a telegram of mine
his son wired that he was slowly improving. I was assured that Dr. Ansari was
looking after him with solicitude. Thus he was in bed gravely ill and in bed he
was murdered. All men, of course, must die but of what worth is their dying? In
India and wherever there are Hindus and Mussalmans, the death of Swamiji before
his time will produce an effect very different from what would have been
produced if Swamiji had died a natural death. I have not sent brother Indra any
telegram or letter expressing sympathy with him. There was nothing I could say
to him except that the death his father had met was a blessed death.
But
I have said all this from the point of view of Swamiji and from my own point of
view. I have repeatedly said that I make no distinction between Hindus and
Mussalmans. I am a Hindu by birth and I find peace in the Hindu religion.
Whenever peace seemed to elude me, it was in the Hindu religion that I found
it. I studied other religions also and I decided that, whatever its defects and
drawbacks, Hinduism alone could be the religion for me. That is what I feel and
that is why I call myself a sanatani Hindu. Many sanatanis feel exasperated by
this claim of mine and say: How can this man who has come back from England
with all these new-fangled ideas be a Hindu? But this does not weaken my claim
to being a Hindu, and Hinduism tells me to abide in friendship with all. So I
have to think of the viewpoint of Mussalmans also.
And
when I look at this matter from the Mussalmans’ viewpoint, things are
different. This deed was done through the hand of a Mussalman. Entering the
house under the pretext of having a religious discussion with Swamiji he
committed this monstrous act. The servant had told him that Swamiji was ill and
could not see him. There was some argument at the door. When Swamiji heard it,
he said: “Well, let him come.” And although Swamiji need not have talked with
him, he did so. He had not the strength, in fact, to talk much. All he wanted
was gently to persuade him to go away. So he called him and said: “My friend,
you can talk with me to your heart’s content after I get well. But now I am
bed-ridden.” At this the visitor asked for water todrink. Swamiji told Dharam
Singh to get him some. As soon as the faithful servant turned his back, he took
out a revolver. He fired two shots, not satisfied with one. Swamiji died then
and there. Hearing the shots Dharam Singh ran to save his master, but it was
too late! It was not God’s will that Swamiji’s body should be saved. Dharam
Singh was also hit and is now in hospital. The killer, Abdul Rashid, is in
police custody. It pains me to imagine the feeling that this will evoke among
the Hindus. Without doubt this will create ill feeling for Mussalmans among the
Hindus. Today there is no love between the two communities. There is no trust.
Both do realize that at the end they have to live together like brothers, but
meanwhile each, conscious of its weakness, wants to fight with the other,
become strong and then unite. In these circumstances, and with the poison that
is spread in the newspapers, it is difficult to say what this deed will lead
to. That was why I wanted to keep silent. I cannot calm the storm that is
raging within me, I cannot suppress it and I cannot express it before you.
We
should learn a lesson from the fact that Swamiji died by the hand of Abdul
Rashid. Let this make us try to understand each other. It would be wonderful if
we realized that we cannot live together in perpetual conflict. But the
atmosphere that prevails today holds out no hope that we shall escape with only
one murder,
I
shall say nothing at the moment of my personal relationship with
Shraddhanandji. He opened out his heart to me. About six months ago when he
visited the Ashram, he said to me: “I get many letters holding out threats to
my life. But they do not worry me.” You see, he was a brave man. In all the
world I know no one braver than Swamiji. He had no fear of death for he had
faith in God. That is why he used to say: “Even if they take my life what would
it matter?” There is nothing to be wondered at that he was killed. There would
be nothing to be wondered at if there were more murders. Today it is a
Mussalman who has murdered a Hindu. We should not be surprised if a Hindu
killed a Mussalman. God forbid that this should happen but what else can one
expect when we cannot control our tongue or our pen? I must, however, say that
if any Hindu imitated this act he would only bring disgrace to Hinduism.
I
have said that it would be better if, instead of ignorant people fighting among
themselves, the leaders who harbour enmity towards each other were to do the
fighting. But it should not be that an individual from among the ignorant folk
takes the life of a leader.
Let
us pray to God that we may understand the real meaning of this assassination.
This is a testing time for Hindus and Mussalmans. Let the Hindus remain
peaceful and refrain from seeking revenge for this murder. Let them not think
that the two communities are now enemies of each other and that unity is no
longer possible. If they do, they will be committing a crime and bringing
disgrace upon their religions. And, in my opinion, if a Mussalman thinks than
Abdul Rashid did well he will be disgracing his religion. For that is not his
religion. His religion is something else. Now is the opportunity for the
Mussalmans to show the real teachings of Islam. Shraddhanandji and the Hindus
have, of course, got what they had to, but as a man and as a friend and brother
of Mussalmans, I must tell them that it will do both our communities good if we
would understand this in the right spirit. May God give us faith and wisdom to
survive this test and to behave towards each other, after this deed, in such a
way that God can say that the two communities did what they ought to have done.
[From
Hindi]
Navajivan,
6-1-1927
Resolution
and Speech at Congress Session, Gauhati
1
December 26, 1926
Resolution
This
Congress expresses its horror and indignation at the cowardly and treacherous
murder of Swami Shraddhanand and places on record its sense of the irreparable
loss the nation has sustained by the tragic death of a brave and noble patriot
who dedicated his life and his great gifts to the service of his country and of
his faith and espoused with fearless devotion the cause of the lowly, the
fallen and the weak.
Brothers
and Sisters,
You
must have noticed that the resolution I have moved originally stood in Maulana
Mohamed Ali’s name. But I am here to move it in obedience to the President’s
summons. We see from the newspapers that the assassination of Swamiji has
evoked grief and horror throughout the land. I said speaking on the same
subject at the All-India Congress Committee that we should not mourn over
Swamiji’s death. He had died the death of a hero, and every one of us might
wish for such a death. But I want to make a slight correction in that last
statement. Every brave man welcomes such a death whenever it comes to him. He
greets it as a friend. But let no one therefore invite or hanker after such a
death, let no one desire that someone else should be in the wrong and err
against God and man, so that he might become a martyr. It is wrong to wish
anyone to go astray. Let us all be brave enough to die the death of a martyr,
but let no one lust for martyrdom.
Swamiji
was a hero among heroes, the bravest of the brave. He had astonished the nation
with an unbroken record of bravery. I am witness of the pledge he had taken to
sacrifice himself at the altar of the country
But
need anyone speak at length on Swamiji’s services to the nation? Swamiji, as
everyone knew, was the help of the helpless, the friend of the weak and the
oppressed and the work he had done for the untouchables was unsurpassed. I well
remember his having told me once that, unless every Hindu member of the
All-India Congress Committee had an untouchable servant in his home, the work
of the Congress for the uplift of the untouchables would not be complete. This
may sound as an impracticable proposal, but it shows his unbounded love for the
untouchables.
I
shall not refer here to his many other services. Whilst the assassination of
such a great hero and patriot, such a servant and devotee of God as Swamiji,
can be made to serve the country’s cause, imperfect men as we are, it is
natural for us to mourn over his sad death. And when one thinks of the
circumstances under which he met his death, one is naturally filled with horror
and indignation. The assassin sought an interview with Swamiji to have a
discussion on Islam. His faithful servant refused to admit him as he had Dr.
Ansari’s orders to allow no interviews so long as Swamiji was seriously ailing.
But God had evidently ordered otherwise. Swamiji, when he overheard the
request, asked Dharam Singh to let the man in. Brother Abdul Rashid was shown
in. I purposely call him brother, and if we are true Hindus you will understand
why I call him so. Swamiji asked his servant to admit Abdul Rashid, because God
had willed to show therethrough the greatness of Swamiji and the glory of
Hinduism. Swamiji was, of course, too ill to discuss religious topics and he
asked the stranger to seek another occasion. But he would not go. He said he
was thirsty and asked for water. Swamiji asked Dharam Singh to fetch water for
him and taking advantage of his absence, the man deposited bullet shots in
Swamiji’s breast.
This
is a thing which should not have happened in India—India where both Hindus and
Mussalmans are proud of their faiths. I have studied the Koran with the same
reverent attention as I give the Gita, and I say that the Koran nowhere
sanctions or enjoins such murders. The murder has been possible because the two
communities look upon each other with feelings of hatred and enmity. Many
Mussalmans believe that Lalaji and Malaviyaji are the sworn enemies of Islam as
was Swamiji in their opinion. On the other hand, many Hindus regard Sir Abdur
Rahim and other Mussalmans as the enemies of Hinduism. To my mind both are wholly
wrong. Swamiji was no enemy of Islam nor are Lalaji and Malaviyaji. Lalaji and
Malaviyaji have a right to express their opinion freely and even if we disagree
with them, no one may excite feelings of hatred against them. And yet, what do
we see today? There are few Mussalman papers today which do not use foul
language against these patriots. Now I ask in all humility what is the wrong
they have done. We may not see eye to eyewith them in their methods of work.
But I am sure that it is his great service that has earned for Malaviyaji the
name, Bharat Bhushan. Lalaji too has a great record of service. Then take the
Mussalman leaders. Sir Abdur Rahim may think that Hindus are in advance of the
Mussalmans in every respect, that they are rich, they are educated, and the
Mussalmans are poor and uneducated. Sir Abdur Rahim thinks that his community
should have a preference in the services. It is open to us to feel and say that
he is mistaken in his views, but why should we abuse him for his opinions? If
Maulana Mahomed Ali says that although he has respect for Gandhi he holds that
the faith of a Muslim who believes in the Koran is greater than the faith of
Gandhi, why should we be angry? Do not some Christian clergymen say that a
Christian regularly going to church and serving Jesus is better than a Hindu
however pious he may be? What does that matter to us? I therefore appeal to you
that if you hold dear the memory of Swami Shraddhanandji, you would help in
purging the atmosphere of mutual hatred and calumny, you would help in
boycotting papers which foment hatred and spread misrepresentation. I am sure
that India would lose nothing if 90 per cent of the papers were to cease today.
Many Mussalman papers today subsist on hatred of the Hindu and many Hindu
papers subsist on hatred of the Mussalman. Swamiji has left for us a rich
lesson written in his blood. “Do you know the liberality of the Arya Samaj?,”
he once asked me. “Do you know how Maharshi Dayanand forgave the man who
poisoned him?” I knew it. How could I be ignorant of it, knowing as I did that
the Maharshi had before him the example of Yudhishthira and the teaching of the
Gita and the Upanishads? But Shraddhanandji in his overflowing reverence for
the Maharshi dilated upon his forgiveness. I tell you the disciple had no less
of that noble quality than his great master. Speaking once about the
implications of shuddhi he told me that his shuddhi excluded any feeling of ill
will for the Mussalman, that it meant purification of self and of the great
community to which he belonged, and that his ideal was the ideal of the
Gita—“See thyself in every one of the created beings.” But he emphasized that
the Hindu also was no less a friend of his than the Mussalman and that it was
his duty to serve him. Even if the whole Muslim world were to turn against me,
I would declare that Malaviyaji is my friend and elder brother. I declare also
in the same breath that none of the Mussalman leaders is an enemy of Hinduism.
Sir Abdur Rahim is not an enemy of the Hindus, nor is Mian Fazli Hussain. When
I met him he assured me that he was an old Congressman, that he loved the
Hindus no less than the Mussalmans, but that as a Mussalman he wanted to serve
the latter. We may disagree with him in his views, we may not like hisdemands
for the Mussalmans, but why should we therefore swear at him and say that he is
an enemy of the Hindus? Why should we not express our dissent from his views
and fight them, if necessary, even as I do with Malaviyaji, in many respects,
in a satyagrahi way? I repeat, therefore, with all the emphasis I can command
that Sir Abdur Rahim or Mr. Jinnah or the Ali Brothers are no enemies of the
Hindus. Let not the lesson of Swami Shraddhanandji’s death be lost on us. You
will all be accepting this resolution standing while, at this moment perhaps,
there are Hindu-Muslim disturbances going on in Delhi. But I tell you that, if
every one of you understands and lays to his heart the lesson that Swami
Shraddhanandji has left for us, it is again possible to win swaraj in no time.
I am a mad man, you will say, accustomed to giving rash promises. Well, I tell
you I am not mad, I am still as much in earnest about my programme as I was in
1920, but those who made pledges in 1920 broke them and made swaraj impossible
then. We are all children of the same Father—whom the Hindu and the Mussalman
and the Christian know by different names. What if Sankara declared his faith
in one God in his formula Ekamevadvitiyam of Ramanuja in his dual doctrine or
Mahomed in his La Illah Illillah? All meant one and the same thing. If we
cleanse our hearts, we shall be able to see that Swamiji has served us in his
death as much as he served us when living. Let us purify our hearts with his
blood, and fight, if need be, for our rights in a peaceful and satyagrahi way.
Let every Mussalman also understand that Swami Shraddhanandji was no enemy of
Islam, that his was a pure and unsullied life, and that he has left for us all
the lesson of peace written in his blood.
Now you will, perhaps, understand why I have
called Abdul Rashid a brother, and I repeat it, I do not even regard him as
guilty of Swami’s murder. Guilty, indeed, are all those who excited feelings of
hatred against one another. For us Hindus, the Gita enjoins on us the lesson of
equality; we are to cherish the same feelings towards a learned Brahmin as
towards a Chandal, a dog, a cow and an elephant.
This
is no occasion for mourning or tears, it is an occasion that should burn in our
hearts the lesson of bravery. Bravery is not the exclusive quality of the
Kshatriyas. It may be their special privilege. But, in our battle for swaraj,
bravery is essential as much for the Brahmin and the Vaisya and the Sudra as
for the Kshatriya. Let us not therefore shed tears of sorrow, but chasten our
hearts and steel them with some of the fire and faith that were
Shraddhanandji’s.
Report
of the Indian National Congress, Forty-first Session, Gauhati (Assam), 1926,
pp. 42-5
Note:The text of the speech was also published
in Young India, 13-1-1927, under the heading “Hero among Heroes”.
Shraddhanandji—The
Martyr
The
expected has happened. Swami Shraddhanandji passed a day or two at the
Satyagraha Ashram at Sabarmati, now about six months ago, and told me, in the
course of his conversations, that he often received letters threatening his
life. Where is the reformer who has not a price put upon his head? There was,
therefore, nothing untoward in his getting the letters. And there is nothing
untoward in the assassination having taken place.
Swamiji
was a reformer, he was a man of action, not of words. His was a living belief.
He had suffered for it. He was bravery personified. He never quailed before
danger. He was a warrior. And a warrior loves to die, not on a sick-bed, but on
the battlefield.
Shraddhanandji
became seriously ill about a month ago. Dr. Ansari was, as his physician,
giving him all the loving attention he was capable of giving. The telegram I
received from his son, Indra, in reply to my inquiry1 at the beginning of
month, was that he was better and that he wanted my ‘love and prayer’ both of
which he had before the asking.
God
had willed for him a martyr’s death and so, though he was still on the
sick-bed, he died at the hands of an assassin who had asked to be admitted to
the Swamiji’s presence for the purpose of holding a religious discourse on
Islam, who was admitted at the Swamiji’s instance, and who, under pretence of
wanting water to quench his thirst, had Swamiji’s faithful servant, Dharam
Singh, sent out to fetch water, and who, in the absence of the servant,
deposited two death wounds in the patient’s breast, as he was lying in his bed.
We have not the last words of the Swamiji, but if I knew him at all, I have no
doubt that he prayed to his God to forgive him who knew not that he was doing
anything wrong. In the language of the Gita, therefore,‘Happy the warrior who
achieves such a blessed death’.
Death
is at any time blessed, but it is twice blessed for a warrior who dies for his
cause, i.e., truth. Death is no fiend, he is the truest of friends. He delivers
us from agony. He helps us against ourselves. He ever gives us new chances, new
hopes. He is like sleep, a sweet restorer. Yet it is customary to mourn when a
friend dies. The custom has no operation when the death is that of a martyr. I
cannot, therefore, mourn over this death. He and his are to be envied. For
though Shraddhanandji is dead, he is yet living. He is living in a truer sense
than when he moved about in our midst in his giant body. The family in which he
was born, the nation to which he belonged are to be congratulated upon so
glorious a death as this. He lived a hero. He has died a hero.
But
there is another side to the shield. I regard myself as a friend of the
Mussalmans. They are my blood-brothers. Their wrongs are my wrongs. I share
their sorrows and their joys. Any evil deed done by a Mussalman hurts me just
as much as that done by a Hindu. This foul deed has been done by one who bears
a Mussalman name. As a friend of the Mussalmans, therefore, I deeply regret the
event. The joy of the death is thus tempered by the sorrow that an erring,
misguided brother has been the cause of it. Martyrdom can, therefore, never be
wished for. It becomes a thing of joy only when it comes unsought. We may not
gloat over the errors of the least of our fellows.
But
the fact is that an error often refuses to become patent until it becomes
atrocious. It dies only after being completely disgraced.
This
tragedy has a national importance. It draws pointed attention to an evil that
is eating into the vitals of the nation. Both Hindus and Mussalmans have the
choice before them. We are both on our trial.
Hindus
may, by being resentful, disgrace Hinduism and postpone the unity that must
come. They can by self-restraint show themselves to be worthy of the message of
the Upanishads and of Yudhishthira who was the embodiment of forgiveness. Let
us not ascribe the crime of an individual to a whole community. Let us not
harbour the spirit of retaliation. Let us not think of the wrong as done by a
Mussalman against a Hindu, but of an erring brother against a hero.
Mussalmans
have an ordeal to pass through. There can be no doubt that they are too free
with the knife and the pistol. The sword is no emblem of Islam. But Islam was
born in an environment where the sword was and still remains the supreme law.
The message of Jesus has proved ineffective because the environment was unready
to receive it. So with the message of the Prophet. The sword is yet too much in
evidence among Mussalmans. It must be sheathed if Islam is to be what it
means—peace. There is danger of Mussalmans secretly endorsing the mad deed. It
will be a calamity for them and the world. For ours is after all a world
problem. Reliance upon the sword is wholly inconsistent with reliance upon God.
There should be, on their part, unequivocal mass condemnation of the atrocity.
I
wish to plead for Abdul Rashid. I do not know who he is. It does not matter to
me what prompted the deed. The fault is ours. The newspaper man has become a
walking plague. He spreads the contagion of lies and calumnies. He exhausts the
foul vocabulary of his dialect, and injects his virus into the unsuspecting,
and often receptive minds of his readers. Leaders ‘intoxicated with the
exuberance of their own language’ have not known to put a curb upon their
tongues or pens. Secret and insidious propaganda has done its dark and horrible
work, unchecked and unabashed. It is, therefore, we the educated and the
semi-educated class that are responsible for the hot fever which possessed
Abdul Rashid.
It
is unnecessary to discriminate and apportion the blame between the rival
parties. Where both are to blame, who can arbitrate with golden scales and fix
the exact ratio of blame? It is no part of self-defence to tell lies or
exaggerate.
It
is too much to hope, but Swamiji was great enough to warrant the hope that his
blood may wash us of our guilt, cleanse our hearts and cement these two mighty
divisions of the human family.
I must deal with the life of Swamiji as I knew
him in the next issue of Young India.
Young
India, 30-12-1926
This was in response to a request received from a trustee of a national level Gandhian organization to know the historical facts.
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